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Note: I am pro NSFW of fictional children (i.e. characters who do not exist in real life) which is not indistinguishable from a photograph of a real child. I am against CSEM/CSAM (material depicting instances of real children's sexual abuse). If you somehow read this and conclude "Iris supports csem!!!!!!," I will have very little faith in humanity left.
Comparison of CSA rates between Japan, UK, China, and worldwide
Lolicon: The Reality of 'Virtual Child Pornography' in Japan
The End of Cool Japan
Letter from the Copenhagen Sexological Clinic to the Danish Ministry of Justice Re: Request for opinion on fictitious child pornography (2010)
There is no evidence of increasing abuse in the United States, however. In fact, rates of child sexual abuse have declined substantially since the mid-1990s, a time period that corresponds to the spread of CP online. Statistics from U.S. child protective service agencies show that from 1992 to 2007, child sexual abuse declined 53% (Jones & Finkelhor, 2009), including interfamilial abuse (Finkelhor & Jones, 2006). Evidence of this decline also comes from victim self-report surveys and U.S. criminal justice system data (Finkelhor & Jones, 2008; Finkelhor, Turner, Ormrod, & Hamby, 2010), as well as the child protective services data collection system. The fact that this trend is revealed in multiple sources tends to undermine arguments that it is because of reduced reporting or changes in investigatory or statistical procedures.
it is important to recognize that, to date, there has not been a spike in the rate of child sexual abuse that corresponds with the apparent expansion of online CP.
Letter to the Editor: Effects on Boy-Attracted Pedosexual Males of Viewing Boy Erotica.
Comparison of CSA rates between Japan, UK, China, and worldwide
Lolicon: The Reality of 'Virtual Child Pornography' in Japan
The End of Cool Japan
Letter from the Copenhagen Sexological Clinic to the Danish Ministry of Justice Re: Request for opinion on fictitious child pornography (2010)
We have had to find that, to the best of our knowledge, there are no scientific studies related to the question asked, and therefore no documentation for the consumption of fictional images of child sexual abuse, so-called “child-porn,” alone can lead people to commit child sexual abuse.
Prostasia is funding such studies. In the meantime, we have studies on IRL porn to extrapolate conclusions from (the above letter also analyzes a few). There is no evidence of increasing abuse in the United States, however. In fact, rates of child sexual abuse have declined substantially since the mid-1990s, a time period that corresponds to the spread of CP online. Statistics from U.S. child protective service agencies show that from 1992 to 2007, child sexual abuse declined 53% (Jones & Finkelhor, 2009), including interfamilial abuse (Finkelhor & Jones, 2006). Evidence of this decline also comes from victim self-report surveys and U.S. criminal justice system data (Finkelhor & Jones, 2008; Finkelhor, Turner, Ormrod, & Hamby, 2010), as well as the child protective services data collection system. The fact that this trend is revealed in multiple sources tends to undermine arguments that it is because of reduced reporting or changes in investigatory or statistical procedures.
it is important to recognize that, to date, there has not been a spike in the rate of child sexual abuse that corresponds with the apparent expansion of online CP.
In this regard we consider instructive our findings for the Czech Republic that have echoed those found in Denmark (Kutchinsky, 1973) and Japan (Diamond & Uchiyama, 1999) that where so-called child-pornography was readily available without restriction the incidence of child sexual abuse was lower than when its availability was restricted. As with adult pornography appearing to substitute for sexual aggression everywhere it has been investigated, we believe the availability of child porn does similarly. We believe this particularly since the findings of Weiss (2002) have shown that a substantial portion of child sex abuse instances seemed to occur, not because of pedophilic interest of the abuser, but because the child was used as a substitute subject.
We do not approve of the use of real children in the production or distribution of child pornography but artificially produced materials might serve.
Letter to the Editor: Effects on Boy-Attracted Pedosexual Males of Viewing Boy Erotica.
Respondents were asked if, in their case, the viewing of erotica was useful as a substitute for actual sexual contact with boys, in that their urges and drives were redirected and given an outlet that affected no other person, and 83.8% reported that this was from “frequently” to “invariably” true (Table II). The question was then rephrased to ask if the use of erotica had no effect on behavior, but was simply entertainment, and 81.1% reported that this was “frequently” to “invariably” true. The overlap between these two responses indicates that the respondents saw these two aspects as complementary rather than mutually exclusive.
There sometimes is a correlation between males who are in possession of sexually explicit materials and those who also run afoul of the law because of accusations of sexual activities with boys. But correlation must not be confused with causation, and there is very little support within these data for the societal perception that the viewing of boy erotica is a substantive causative factor in actual or potential sexual contacts and activities between BPM and minor males.
There sometimes is a correlation between males who are in possession of sexually explicit materials and those who also run afoul of the law because of accusations of sexual activities with boys. But correlation must not be confused with causation, and there is very little support within these data for the societal perception that the viewing of boy erotica is a substantive causative factor in actual or potential sexual contacts and activities between BPM and minor males.
The idea of a causal relationship between possessing child pornography and the sexual abuse of minors is not only the basis for child pornography legislation, but also espoused frequently in academic and political discourses (Carr, 2003; Foley, 2000; Kim, 2004). According to Howitt (1995) and Williams (2004), this idea is based on what is known as the ‘‘harm thesis’’ wherein it is perceived as ‘‘common sense’’ that viewing pornography causes men to commit sex crimes. The idea of a causal relationship between both phenomena, however, flies in the face of decades of literature on child sexual abuse literature which contends that child sexual abuse is a complex phenomenon that is best explained by considering various factors (Finkelhor, 1984; Marshall & Barbaree, 1990; Smallbone, Marshall & Wortley, 2008; Ward, Polaschek & Beech, 2006).
By examining recidivism data on 201 offenders over a two-and-a-half-year period, Seto and Eke (2005) found that child pornography offenders who had a history of sexually abusing children prior to their index offence were the most likely to re-offend. Further, the authors found that offenders with only child pornography convictions did not progress to having sexual contact with minors during the follow-up period. Seto and Eke contended that these findings challenged the assumption that all child pornography offenders are at a very high risk to commit offences involving child sexual abuse. Webb et al. (2007) compared 90 child pornography offenders and 118 child molesters and found that while there is a subgroup of child pornography offenders who may recidivate via the internet, there is no evidence to suggest that these offenders would escalate to a contact sex offence. Via websites, Riegel (2004) conducted an anonymous online survey of 290 self-identified ‘‘boyattracted pedosexual males’’ and found that 84% of respondents reported that viewing erotica depicting boys acted as a substitute for being with an actual child, and 84.5% of respondents reported that viewing this material did not increase their tendency toward sexually abusing a boy.
In keeping with the literature on child pornography offenders, this study supports the description of these offenders as a heterogeneous group (Galbreath et al., 2002; Seto & Eke, 2005; Wolak et al., 2005). Further, it is apparent that not all child pornography offenders have a history of sexually abusing a minor (as confirmed by polygraph testing), which raises doubts in relation to the assumption that these offenders are automatically at high risk for the perpetration of child sexual abuse. Additionally the results of this study dispel the notion of a causal relationship between possessing child pornography and child sexual abuse, as the majority of contact offenders (84%) reportedly sexually abused a minor prior to possessing this material.
In the context of risk, the suggestion that the use of child pornography be viewed along a continuum (Cooper et al., 2000; Foley, 2002; Krone, 2004; Lanning, 2001; Taylor et al., 2001) is supported by this study. Contact offenders were more likely to masturbate to child pornography and save the material to an external medium. Additionally, offenders who engaged in a combination of activities such as trading, paying for, concealing and/or organizing child pornography were also more likely to be part of the contact group.
In keeping with the literature on child sexual abuse, the results of this study support the notion that child sexual abuse is a complex phenomenon that is best explained by considering various stable dispositional, transitory dispositional and situational factors (Finkelhor, 1984; Marshall & Barbaree, 1990; Marshall, Serran & Marshall, 2006; Smallbone et al., 2008; Ward & Siegert, 2002; Ward et al., 2006; Wortley & Smallbone, 2006).
It is apparent from the results of this study that possessing child pornography, by itself, is not a causative factor in the perpetration of child sexual abuse and thus other factors need to be considered when evaluating the dangerousness of these offenders, their treatment planning and their supervision in the community. The results of this study underscore the need to view child pornography offenders as a heterogenous group, as it is further apparent that there is a subgroup of these offenders who could be considered at low risk to the community, given that their behaviour does not extend beyond collecting this material.
By examining recidivism data on 201 offenders over a two-and-a-half-year period, Seto and Eke (2005) found that child pornography offenders who had a history of sexually abusing children prior to their index offence were the most likely to re-offend. Further, the authors found that offenders with only child pornography convictions did not progress to having sexual contact with minors during the follow-up period. Seto and Eke contended that these findings challenged the assumption that all child pornography offenders are at a very high risk to commit offences involving child sexual abuse. Webb et al. (2007) compared 90 child pornography offenders and 118 child molesters and found that while there is a subgroup of child pornography offenders who may recidivate via the internet, there is no evidence to suggest that these offenders would escalate to a contact sex offence. Via websites, Riegel (2004) conducted an anonymous online survey of 290 self-identified ‘‘boyattracted pedosexual males’’ and found that 84% of respondents reported that viewing erotica depicting boys acted as a substitute for being with an actual child, and 84.5% of respondents reported that viewing this material did not increase their tendency toward sexually abusing a boy.
In keeping with the literature on child pornography offenders, this study supports the description of these offenders as a heterogeneous group (Galbreath et al., 2002; Seto & Eke, 2005; Wolak et al., 2005). Further, it is apparent that not all child pornography offenders have a history of sexually abusing a minor (as confirmed by polygraph testing), which raises doubts in relation to the assumption that these offenders are automatically at high risk for the perpetration of child sexual abuse. Additionally the results of this study dispel the notion of a causal relationship between possessing child pornography and child sexual abuse, as the majority of contact offenders (84%) reportedly sexually abused a minor prior to possessing this material.
In the context of risk, the suggestion that the use of child pornography be viewed along a continuum (Cooper et al., 2000; Foley, 2002; Krone, 2004; Lanning, 2001; Taylor et al., 2001) is supported by this study. Contact offenders were more likely to masturbate to child pornography and save the material to an external medium. Additionally, offenders who engaged in a combination of activities such as trading, paying for, concealing and/or organizing child pornography were also more likely to be part of the contact group.
In keeping with the literature on child sexual abuse, the results of this study support the notion that child sexual abuse is a complex phenomenon that is best explained by considering various stable dispositional, transitory dispositional and situational factors (Finkelhor, 1984; Marshall & Barbaree, 1990; Marshall, Serran & Marshall, 2006; Smallbone et al., 2008; Ward & Siegert, 2002; Ward et al., 2006; Wortley & Smallbone, 2006).
It is apparent from the results of this study that possessing child pornography, by itself, is not a causative factor in the perpetration of child sexual abuse and thus other factors need to be considered when evaluating the dangerousness of these offenders, their treatment planning and their supervision in the community. The results of this study underscore the need to view child pornography offenders as a heterogenous group, as it is further apparent that there is a subgroup of these offenders who could be considered at low risk to the community, given that their behaviour does not extend beyond collecting this material.
